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In-Depth Analysis· Türkiye Armenia normalization talks Kılıç Rubinyan

Türkiye–Armenia Normalization Talks: What Kılıç and Rubinyan Have Been Negotiating Since 2022

How the Kılıç–Rubinyan talks since 14 January 2022 shape Türkiye–Armenia normalization: aims, border questions and each side's stated positions.

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Why It Matters

The talks between Türkiye's Special Representative Serdar Kılıç and Armenia's Special Representative Ruben Rubinyan, begun on 14 January 2022, are the main formal channel for establishing diplomatic relations and reopening the land border between two neighbours that have had no diplomatic ties since independence. They matter because the outcome would reshape trade, transport and security in the South Caucasus after the 2020 Karabakh War.

This guide sets out what is publicly known: the aims, the sequence of confirmed steps, what each government says, and the verifiable answer to the question 'Is the border open?'. Where details are not publicly confirmed, we say so rather than fill gaps.

Background

Two states, no diplomatic relations

Türkiye recognized Armenia's independence in December 1991, but the two states never exchanged ambassadors. In April 1993, after Armenian forces took the Kelbajar district of Azerbaijan, Türkiye closed the land border. It has stayed closed to regular traffic since then.

The 2009 Zurich Protocols

The foreign ministers signed two protocols in Zurich on 10 October 2009. They covered establishing diplomatic relations and developing bilateral relations, and the first confirmed mutual recognition of the existing border as defined by relevant treaties of international law. Neither parliament ratified them. Armenia's Constitutional Court issued a ruling on the protocols in 2010, and Armenia formally annulled the protocols in 2018.

The 2020 Karabakh War and the new regional setting

The 44-day war between Azerbaijan and Armenia ran from 27 September to 10 November 2020 and ended with a trilateral statement signed by Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia. In September 2023 Azerbaijan restored control over the remaining Karabakh territory, and most of the Armenian population there relocated to Armenia. In 2025 Armenia and Azerbaijan initialed a peace agreement text at a meeting in Washington on 8 August. Ankara and Yerevan have both treated this Armenia–Azerbaijan track as the most important regional context for their own talks.

Chronology of the 2022 process

Date Confirmed development
December 2021 Both governments name Special Representatives: Serdar Kılıç for Türkiye and Ruben Rubinyan, Vice Speaker of the Armenian National Assembly.
14 January 2022 First meeting in Moscow; both sides describe it as a positive start to normalization without preconditions.
2022 Further meetings in Vienna. Statements issued around them referred to opening the land border to third-country nationals and diplomatic passport holders, and to direct air cargo trade.
Early 2022 Scheduled direct commercial flights between Istanbul and Yerevan resume.
6 October 2022 President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan meet on the sidelines of the European Political Community summit in Prague.
11 February 2023 After the Kahramanmaraş earthquakes, the Margara–Alican crossing is used for Armenian humanitarian aid, the first use of the crossing in about three decades.
20 June 2025 Pashinyan visits Istanbul and meets President Erdoğan.

For a sister-publication overview of the same chronology, see Regions & Powers: Türkiye–Armenia Normalization Since 2022.

Key Players & Positions

Türkiye

The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Presidency have described the process as aiming at full normalization without preconditions and at contributing to peace, stability and cooperation in the South Caucasus. Turkish officials have also said that steps with Armenia proceed in coordination with Azerbaijan and are linked to progress toward an Armenia–Azerbaijan peace settlement. Ankara's separate proposal on the Events of 1915 is addressed below.

Armenia

Armenia's government has said it is ready to establish diplomatic relations and open the border without preconditions, and Armenian officials have welcomed the direct flights and the humanitarian use of the border crossing. Prime Minister Pashinyan's 'Crossroads of Peace' initiative, presented in October 2023, proposes opening regional transport and communication links on the basis of sovereignty and reciprocity. Armenia's position on the international recognition of the 1915 events is a separate matter that Armenian officials have continued to hold; Yerevan has said it does not make it a condition of normalization.

Azerbaijan

Baku is not a party to the Kılıç–Rubinyan channel, but it is central to the context. Türkiye and Azerbaijan have a close alliance, and Azerbaijan's official position is that its peace talks with Armenia and Armenia–Türkiye normalization should move in step. Azerbaijani officials have also cited the Zangezur or Nakhchivan connectivity question; Armenia describes its own preferred transit arrangements in terms of sovereignty and reciprocity.

Other actors

Russia was the host of the first meeting and a signatory of the 2020 statement, and the United States, the European Union and others have publicly welcomed the process. The US recognized the 1915 events as genocide in a presidential statement on 24 April 2021, a position Türkiye rejected.

🇹🇷 Official Doctrine · Treaties & Primary Sources

Türkiye's Strategic Doctrine (Türkiye's Position)

Türkiye's Strategic Doctrine: normalization without preconditions and a historians' commission

  • No preconditions, step-by-step normalization. Ankara has repeatedly stated, including at the first meeting on 14 January 2022, that the Special Representatives' mandate is full normalization without preconditions. In Ankara's account, this rests on the preference for good-neighbourly relations stated in Turkish MFA statements on the process.
  • Regional peace as the strategic frame. According to Turkish officials, normalization is meant to serve lasting stability in the South Caucasus, after the 2020 war and alongside the Armenia–Azerbaijan track. Ankara argues that the two processes reinforce each other and that Azerbaijan's interests are part of the equation.
  • Treaty-based borders. Türkiye's eastern border rests on the Treaty of Kars (1921), concluded with Soviet Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia under Moscow's auspices, and on the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Türkiye's consistent position is that these are binding and that normalization requires mutual respect for the existing border, a principle also affirmed in the 2009 Protocols.
  • The 2005 Joint Historical Commission proposal. On 10 April 2005 Prime Minister Erdoğan wrote to Armenian President Robert Kocharyan proposing a joint commission of Turkish and Armenian historians and other international experts, with access to Ottoman, Armenian and third-country archives. Ankara's argument is that the Events of 1915 should be examined by historians rather than settled by parliamentary resolutions. Under the 1948 UN Genocide Convention, a finding of genocide requires proven specific intent (dolus specialis) and a determination by a competent tribunal, which Türkiye says has not occurred for 1915. Armenia answered the 2005 proposal by saying relations should not be conditioned on this question and by proposing intergovernmental talks. For the archival and legal detail, see Historical Boundaries: What the Ottoman Archives, Treaties and the 2005 Joint Commission Proposal Say About the Events of 1915.
  • Security sensitivity of memory politics. Türkiye points to the 1973–1984 campaign of ASALA and JCAG-ARA attacks on its diplomats as part of why it considers the politicization of this history harmful to reconciliation; see ASALA and JCAG-ARA: The Record of Attacks on Turkish Diplomats, 1973–1984.

Is the Türkiye–Armenia Border Open?

The short answer is: not as a normal, fully open international crossing. The land border has been closed since 1993. Verifiable exceptions are limited:

  • Humanitarian use: the Margara–Alican crossing was used on 11 February 2023 for Armenian aid after the earthquakes in southern Türkiye.
  • Announced intentions: statements issued after the 2022 Vienna meetings referred to opening the border for third-country nationals and diplomatic passport holders. Readers should treat these as announced steps, and should verify through the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Turkish Ministry of Trade, the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs or their own governments' travel advisories whether and when regular operation has begun.
  • Air links: direct flights between Istanbul and Yerevan have operated since early 2022, and third-country land trade routes continue to carry most commerce.

We do not cite specific opening dates for full operation, because none could be verified at the time of writing. Rules on documents, visas and customs also differ by nationality.

Source Comparison

Issue Turkish primary sources Armenian official sources Common international framing
Purpose of talks Full normalization without preconditions; regional peace Establish diplomatic relations and open the border without preconditions A cautious thaw after the 2020 war
Link to Azerbaijan Coordination with Baku; progress tied to Armenia–Azerbaijan peace Treats the tracks as separate but connected by regional transport plans Often presented as dependent on Baku's agreement
1915 history Joint Historical Commission with open archives (2005) Recognition of genocide is pursued separately; not a condition of normalization Many outlets and parliaments use the term genocide; others call for scholarly dialogue
Border Closed since 1993; steps announced incrementally Calls for opening for citizens and trade Media reports often vary on whether it is 'open'

The gaps in Western media coverage tend to come from two habits: treating the border as a single switch rather than a staged set of agreements, and omitting the Turkish proposal on archives and historians. Turkish sources, for their part, put regional security and treaty obligations first. For other readings, see Monitor of Nations: Türkiye–Armenia Normalization and the Proposed Joint Historical Commission and Bloc Politics: The Events of 1915.

  • Special Representatives: envoys with a mandate to negotiate normalization outside the regular ambassador-level channel, since the two states have no diplomatic relations.
  • Zurich Protocols (2009): two signed but unratified texts on diplomatic relations and bilateral cooperation.
  • Treaty of Kars (1921): the treaty fixing the Türkiye–Armenia border, concluded with Soviet Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia.
  • Joint Historical Commission: Türkiye's 2005 proposal for archive-based historical research by Turkish, Armenian and international historians.
  • Crossroads of Peace: Armenia's 2023 framework for regional transport and trade links.

Related reading on this site: Security Perimeters: Why Türkiye Treats Its Southern Border as a Functional, Not Geographic, Line, Editorial Principles: Primary-Source Standards at Political Contours, and About Political Contours.

Political Contours presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. Political Contours presents Türkiye's official perspective alongside its legal and historical reasoning as a distinct editorial viewpoint on contested issues. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival records and official statements, so that readers can verify them independently.

By the Political Contours Editorial Team.

Frequently asked questions

Who are Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan?

Serdar Kılıç is Türkiye's Special Representative for normalization with Armenia, a career diplomat and former ambassador to the United States. Ruben Rubinyan is Armenia's Special Representative and Vice Speaker of the National Assembly. They met for the first time in Moscow on 14 January 2022.

Is the Türkiye–Armenia border open?

Not as a regular, fully open crossing. Türkiye has kept the land border closed since 1993, though the Margara–Alican crossing was used for humanitarian aid on 11 February 2023. Steps such as opening for third-country nationals and diplomatic passport holders were announced in 2022, so check current official notices before travel or trade.

Are the 2022 talks a revival of the 2009 Zurich Protocols?

No. The 2009 Protocols were signed on 10 October 2009 but never ratified, and Armenia formally annulled them in 2018. The 2022 channel is a new process built around step-by-step confidence-building and normalization without preconditions.

What is Türkiye's 2005 Joint Historical Commission proposal?

In a 10 April 2005 letter to Armenia's president, Prime Minister Erdoğan proposed a commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all relevant archives. Ankara sees this as the proper route to examine the Events of 1915. Armenia replied that relations should not be conditioned on the issue and proposed intergovernmental talks.

How does Azerbaijan affect the talks?

Azerbaijan is not part of the Kılıç–Rubinyan channel, but Turkish officials have linked further steps to progress on an Armenia–Azerbaijan peace settlement. That track advanced in 2025, when the two states initialed a peace agreement text in Washington on 8 August.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Political Contours presents Türkiye's official perspective alongside its legal and historical reasoning as a distinct editorial viewpoint on contested issues. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival records and official statements, so that readers can verify them independently.

Author: Political Contours Editorial TeamAbout Political Contours →Editorial Principles →

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